For the Rohingya, self-reliance carries risks, but so does idleness: RRRC

Nine years have passed since the mass influx of Rohingya refugees into Bangladesh.

The crisis now faces shrinking aid, armed-group activity, and a large young population coming of age, while not a single Rohingya has been repatriated. Refugee Relief and Repatriation Commissioner Mohammed Mizanur Rahman spoke to The Business Standard about the crisis in an interview with TBS Chattogram Bureau Staff Correspondent Jobaer Chowdhury.

How do you view the Myanmar foreign ministry's recent statement on the Rohingya?

I see it as positive because Myanmar has broken a long silence on the crisis. But the statement also creates confusion over figures.

Myanmar says more than 5,00,000 Rohingya came to Bangladesh. Yet Bangladesh handed over a database of around 8,00,000 in 2018. Over nine years, Myanmar has verified only around 400,000. It says about 3,00,000 were found in household records, around 1,00,000 were not, while another group was identified as "terrorists".

We do not know when those records were updated, and the Rohingya say many family members are missing. By calling some Rohingya "terrorists", Myanmar is also indirectly acknowledging they are residents of Rakhine.

Around 2,16,000 children have been born to Rohingya families over nine years. They would naturally return with their parents. Excluding them from the count is unrealistic.

Funding for refugee management is steadily declining. What should Bangladesh do in this situation?

Bangladesh's goal is the safe and dignified return of the Rohingya. But with no clear timeframe, it must continue providing food, healthcare, education, security, and other basic services.

International support has been falling, making it increasingly difficult for Bangladesh to support around 1.2 million people. We therefore urge the international community to continue assistance until repatriation.

The crisis is also becoming a security crisis. Continued conflict in Myanmar could affect law and order in Bangladesh and regional security.

Until now, the Rohingya have mostly called for a return to their homeland and justice for the persecution they faced. But at rallies marking nine years of displacement, they used stronger language, saying they know the road to Arakan and will return when the time comes. How do you view this message?

This is the first time we have heard such language from the Rohingya. I think it reflects years of frustration and anger and may also be a way to put political pressure on Myanmar.

Political changes in Bangladesh may also have influenced them. After years of statelessness and losing control over their future, they appear to want to regain that control and reaffirm their identity.

A recent UN report warned about the risk of al-Qaeda or militancy in Bangladesh. Several groups are also active in the Rohingya camps. Is there a risk of militancy or terrorism emerging there?

Almost all major ethnic groups in Myanmar have their own armed forces, controlled areas and political parties. The government has listed these groups as terrorist organisations. Even the Arakan Army was designated a terrorist organisation during Aung San Suu Kyi's government. The Rohingya, however, have no armed force or territory under their control.

Some armed groups are said to have Rohingya links, but they originated in Myanmar and mainly operate there. We want the camps to remain completely civilian.

There is no presence or visible activity of any international terrorist organisation in the camps. But years of statelessness, frustration and memories of genocide create vulnerability. There are around 39,000 orphaned children in the camps, while about 8,000 have lost both parents.

These conditions could make the community vulnerable to extremism or armed activity. The government therefore remains highly alert.

Based on your experience over the years, what would you advise the new government? What roles should the Bangladesh government, the international community and the Rohingya themselves play in resolving the crisis?

I have been involved with the crisis since 2017. We initially thought the Rohingya would return quickly, as after the crises of 1978 and 1992, but nine years have passed.

Bangladesh now needs clear short-, medium- and long-term strategies. A high-level committee has been formed under the prime minister, and I believe it will set the future strategy.

We expect the international community to increase political pressure on Myanmar to take back its citizens safely and with dignity, and continue supporting Bangladesh until the last Rohingya is repatriated.

The Rohingya also need unity. Those in Myanmar, Bangladesh and elsewhere should speak with one voice, follow Bangladesh's laws and avoid actions that could increase resentment among local communities. They should preserve Arakan's history, traditions and culture for the next generation and build an organised, responsible community in the camps.

Amid funding shortages and uncertainty over repatriation as the Arakan Army controls Rakhine, there is growing discussion about Rohingya self-reliance and localisation, including models such as Jordan's, where refugees work in designated industrial zones and exports receive duty-free access. Should Bangladesh consider a controlled economic or industrial programme to reduce dependence on humanitarian aid?

Bangladesh faces a dilemma over Rohingya self-reliance. It is not only an economic issue but also a political one. We must consider whether greater self-reliance could hamper or undermine repatriation.

At the same time, keeping a large young population without work for years is not sustainable and could increase risks to law and order, smuggling and militancy.

The Rohingya cannot be given unrestricted access to business and commerce, but neither can they be left without work while waiting for repatriation. We need a cautious and balanced middle path.

Around 216,000 children have been born in the Rohingya camps over the past nine years, many growing up away from their homeland. What is the government doing to keep them connected to their language, culture, history and heritage?

We want children growing up in the camps to know their country, history, language, culture and heritage and maintain their connection with Myanmar. Permission has been given to teach the Myanmar curriculum, while learning centres introduce children to Myanmar's national anthem, maps of Myanmar and Rakhine, historical figures and other aspects of its history.

A Rohingya Centre has also been set up to highlight the community's historical contributions in Myanmar, literature and culture. Football tournaments named after areas of Arakan, along with drawing and cultural competitions, are also being organised.

There are also plans for a Rohingya History Education Centre, with photo exhibitions, discussions, debates and roundtables. The goal is to help children understand their country and community and remain motivated to return home.