Will China become the 'new Zeus'?

In Greek mythology, Zeus was the most powerful of the Olympian gods. He was the king of the gods, ruler of Mount Olympus, and god of the sky and thunder. Zeus came to power by overthrowing his father, Cronus. He then established his authority over both mortals and immortals.

Why bring up Zeus in the middle of a discussion about modern geopolitics?

The answer lies in the question of power and control.

In today's interconnected world, no country can operate in isolation. A conflict or economic crisis in one part of the world can quickly affect countries far beyond its borders. At the same time, the global order is becoming increasingly multipolar.

China is emerging as one of the strongest challengers to the existing US-led order. Like a substitute player entering the field late in a match, China may have entered the global power game relatively late, but its arrival could change the course of history.

China's journey

China took less than seven decades to become one of the world's largest economic powers. Its transformation has turned it into an economic giant in Asia.

Over the past 45 years, China has introduced a series of reforms to open up trade and investment.

These reforms eventually helped lift hundreds of millions of people out of poverty.

But China's rise was anything but smooth.

In the 1950s, the country experienced a devastating man-made disaster. After the revolution, Mao Zedong launched the Great Leap Forward to rapidly industrialise China's largely agricultural economy.

The programme failed, contributing to a famine between 1959 and 1961 that killed between 10 million and 40 million people, making it one of the deadliest famines in human history.

Cars are stuck in traffic on an elevated highway as buildings are reflected on a glass surface in Beijing's central business district (CBD), China, November 12, 2025. Photo:Reuters.

The Cultural Revolution followed in the 1960s, causing further economic damage and disrupting much of China's social structure.

China then began to recover.

After Mao's death in 1976, reforms under Deng Xiaoping started transforming the country's economy. Farmers were given greater freedom to cultivate their land, improving living standards and helping ease food shortages.

Diplomatic relations between China and the US were formally established in 1979, opening the door to greater foreign investment. Investors were attracted by China's cheap labour and low production costs, and large amounts of capital began flowing into the country.

David Mann, global chief economist at Standard Chartered, told the BBC that China had experienced an economic transformation since the late 1970s that was more remarkable than that of almost any economy in history.

China maintained rapid growth throughout the 1990s. Its accession to the World Trade Organisation in 2001 gave the economy another major boost. Lower tariffs and reduced trade barriers helped Chinese products spread rapidly across global markets.

According to statistics cited by the London School of Economics, China's exports stood at around $10 billion in 1978, accounting for less than 1% of global trade.

By 1985, exports had risen to $25 billion. Less than two decades later, they had surged to $4.3 trillion.

Poverty reduction

Economic reforms transformed the lives of hundreds of millions of Chinese citizens. According to the World Bank, nearly 850 million people were lifted above the poverty line.

Education also expanded significantly.

Standard Chartered estimates that by 2030, around 27% of China's workforce will have university-level education. At present, the country's workforce is becoming highly educated and trying to beat the top countries. 

China's per capita income, however, remains closer to that of a developing country than to advanced economies. According to the World Bank's 2025 data, China's annual per capita income was around $13,861, compared with around $10,000 in 2020.

Against this backdrop, China's economy grew faster than expected in the first three months of 2025, even as the world remained unsettled by the US-Iran war.

According to Chinese government data cited by the BBC, China's GDP grew by 5% during the period compared with the same period a year earlier.

China's strategy

At the beginning of the 21st century, China appeared willing to operate within existing international rules and institutions. But as its economic strength grew, Beijing became increasingly active in shaping global affairs.

Its growing influence has allowed it not only to challenge existing institutions and rules but also to position itself as a potential alternative centre of global leadership.

China has broadly pursued four strategies:

1. Taking a larger role in international institutions
2. Promoting its growing global influence
3. Establishing institutions of its own
4. Challenging established approaches to global governance

In 2010, China overtook Japan to become the world's second-largest economy. It also secured the third-highest voting power at the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

Chinese nationals increasingly began taking senior positions in international organisations. In 2006, Margaret Chan was appointed director-general of the World Health Organisation.

During her tenure, she supported several Beijing-backed initiatives, including efforts to promote traditional Chinese medicine.

During the 2008 global financial crisis, Beijing introduced a $580 billion stimulus package at home. It subsequently used state media and other platforms to highlight China's role in helping revive the global economy.

China also began establishing and expanding institutions under its influence.

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, created on the basis of the earlier Shanghai Five grouping, brought together China, Russia and Central Asian countries. During the 2010s, the organisation increasingly became a platform through which China and its partners challenged aspects of the existing global order.

One example was Beijing's promotion of a state-controlled approach to the internet as an alternative to the idea of a single, open global internet.

Under US presidents George W Bush and Barack Obama, Washington had largely hoped that Beijing would increasingly support existing international rules and institutions.

In 2005, then US Deputy Secretary of State Robert Zoellick publicly called on China to become a "responsible stakeholder" in the international system.
But the US approach changed.

The Trump administration became increasingly concerned about what it viewed as Chinese efforts to weaken existing international rules and use global institutions to advance Beijing's foreign policy and initiatives such as the Belt and Road Initiative.

When Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the BRI in 2013, the Obama administration did not view it as a direct military challenge. Instead, it saw the initiative as a geopolitical and economic challenge.

Washington's main response was the 'Pivot to Asia' policy, aimed at strengthening US influence in the Asia-Pacific and countering China's growing power.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership was a key part of that strategy. It sought to create a major trade bloc among 12 countries outside China's economic sphere, with the US playing a central role in setting the rules.

When China established the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Obama administration urged allies such as the UK and Germany not to join. Many countries eventually joined despite Washington's objections.

The US argued that Chinese projects lacked transparency and could leave countries trapped in debt. Washington instead promoted transparency and sustainable development.

Under Hu Jintao, China's predecessor to Xi Jinping, Beijing also became increasingly assertive over international disputes.

China declared its claims in the South China Sea a core and non-negotiable national interest. It subsequently expanded its presence in disputed areas, building military facilities on contested islands and artificial structures.

China's international relationships

China's relationship with the rest of the world is complex and often contradictory. But the country has emerged from the Russia-Ukraine war with an even more important geopolitical position.

According to the Asia Society Policy Institute, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a joint statement in Beijing on 4 February 2022, just weeks before Russia invaded Ukraine.

The statement described the China-Russia relationship as superior to the political and military alliances of the Cold War era.

It declared that the friendship between the two countries had "no limits" and that there were no "forbidden areas" of cooperation.

Later agreements did not always repeat that language.

During Xi's visit to Moscow from 8 to 10 May 2025 to mark the 80th anniversary of victory over Nazi Germany, Russia and China signed several documents. China also sent troops to march in Moscow's Red Square during the 9 May military parade, which was attended by around 20 heads of state and government.

The agreements demonstrated close political coordination but did not create a formal military alliance or impose binding obligations on either side.

Strategic ambiguity therefore remains.

Yet there is little doubt that China and Russia now have one of the closest relationships in their respective histories.

China has also strengthened its military ties with Russia.

According to data published by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, China signed a deal in 2015 worth around $2.5 billion for 24 Russian Su-35 multirole fighter jets. Deliveries took place between 2016 and 2019.

A separate report by the CSIS Missile Threat project said China signed a $3 billion deal with Russia in 2014 to acquire the S-400 air defence system.

Deliveries began in 2018, giving China a longer-range air defence capability than its previous S-300 systems.

China's relationship with Iran has also deepened.

Despite US sanctions on both Russia and Iran, trade between China and Iran reached $13.37 billion in 2024, according to China's foreign ministry. Chinese exports to Iran stood at $8.93 billion, while imports from Iran totalled $4.44 billion.

The two countries signed a comprehensive cooperation plan in March 2021 and announced its implementation in January 2022.

China's relationship with the UK has also remained economically significant despite political differences.

According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the two countries maintain extensive people-to-people contacts and cultural exchanges.

Former British Prime Minister Keir Starmer visited China to strengthen and restructure bilateral economic relations. It was the first visit by a British prime minister to China since 2018.

The visit produced what was described as a 'pragmatic reset', with agreements worth $2.2 billion in exports and $2.3 billion in market access covering artificial intelligence, automobile manufacturing, green energy, finance, healthcare and pharmaceuticals.

China is also a major trading partner of the European Union.

According to EU data, China is the bloc's third-largest trading partner in goods and services after the US and the UK. In goods alone, China is the EU's second-largest trading partner after the US.

In 2024, the EU's trade deficit with China reached $359.8 billion, up from $350.3 billion in 2023. EU exports to China stood at $251.21 billion, while imports from China reached $612.6 billion.

China's influence is even more visible across Asia.

According to Chinese government statistics, trade between China and Central Asian countries increased in the first 10 months of 2025 compared with the same period in 2024.

The Eurasian Development Bank reported that Chinese investment in Central Asian countries reached $35.9 billion by mid-2025, 1.5 times higher than in 2020.

Investment stood at $11.4 billion in Kazakhstan, $10.7 billion in Uzbekistan, $9.5 billion in Turkmenistan, $2.2 billion in Tajikistan and $2.1 billion in Kyrgyzstan.

China's influence is also expanding in South Asia.

According to a GIS Reports analysis, China has become the largest trading partner of almost every South Asian country except Bhutan.

China-South Asia trade reached nearly $200 billion in 2024, roughly double the level of a decade earlier, with average annual growth of 6.3%.

Trade with India stood at around $100 billion, while trade with Pakistan was $23 billion, Bangladesh $27 billion, Sri Lanka $5 billion, Nepal $1.5 billion, and the Maldives nearly $1 billion.

This economic integration also creates a strategic reality: cutting economic ties with China could prove costly for many of these countries.

Except India, almost every South Asian country has increasingly relied on China as a major supplier of defence equipment.

While the US has generally been more cautious about providing military assistance tied to purchases of American weapons, Beijing has used easier financing conditions to encourage countries to buy Chinese defence equipment.

Pakistan, China's largest arms customer, accounted for around two-thirds of China's total arms exports between 2020 and 2024.

The two countries also maintain close cooperation in nuclear technology.

Bangladesh, meanwhile, sourced 72% of its arms imports from China between 2019 and 2023.

The BRI has further expanded China's economic influence. Except for India and Bhutan, the other South Asian countries are participating in the initiative.

Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka are among its major partners.

A flagship BRI project is the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, or CPEC, a roughly 3,000-kilometre infrastructure network designed to connect China's Xinjiang region with Pakistan's Gwadar port.

The World Bank estimates that China has lent $48 billion to South Asian countries. Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh have accumulated significant debt exposure to Beijing.

In 2024, China became Pakistan's largest creditor, with the country's debt to Beijing reaching around $29 billion.

China-US rivalry

The competition between China and the US is perhaps the most important feature of the emerging global order.

According to BBC data, goods trade between the two economic powers stood at around $585 billion last year.

US imports from China were worth around $440 billion, while China's imports from the US stood at $145 billion.

As a result, the US trade deficit with China reached $295 billion in 2024, equivalent to around 1% of the US economy.

Donald Trump imposed significant tariffs on Chinese goods during his first term as president. The Biden administration retained many of those measures.

The trade restrictions helped reduce China's share of US imports from 21% in 2016 to 13% last year.

In other words, US dependence on Chinese imports has declined over the past decade.

China, however, has responded by diversifying its supply chains and export markets.

US and Chinese flags are seen in front of a US dollar banknote featuring American founding father Benjamin Franklin and a China's yuan banknote featuring late Chinese chairman Mao Zedong in this illustration picture taken May 20, 2019. REUTERS/Jason Lee/Illustration

In 2018, the Trump administration imposed a 30% tariff on Chinese solar panels. Chinese manufacturers subsequently moved parts of their assembly operations to Malaysia, Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam before exporting finished products to the US, according to 2023 US Commerce Department data.

The tariff war later escalated dramatically.

After the Trump administration increased tariffs on Chinese imports to 125% and, in some cases, 145%, China responded with retaliatory tariffs.

The conflict has reshaped global trade and geopolitics.

Instead of relying heavily on the US market, China has expanded trade with Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America. In 2020, ASEAN overtook the EU to become China's largest trading partner.

The shift has helped China broaden its global economic reach.

Washington's restrictions on Huawei and China's semiconductor industry have also encouraged Beijing to pursue technological self-reliance.

Through its Made in China 2025 strategy, China increased investment in semiconductors and other high-tech industries.

Many developing countries have increasingly looked to Chinese technology as a more affordable alternative to expensive Western technologies.

The trade conflict has also encouraged China and some of its partners to increase the use of the yuan in international trade instead of the US dollar.

China's growing role in the Middle East has further strengthened this trend.

Over the past several decades, China has become the world's second-largest economy. But its rise is not simply about economic statistics.

It represents a structural shift in the global balance of power.

Through the BRI, China has invested heavily in infrastructure across Asia, Africa and Europe. At the same time, its advances in military technology, naval power, fighter aircraft and hypersonic missiles are altering the military balance in the Asia-Pacific.

Other countries are increasingly moving into China's economic and strategic orbit.

People walk on a pedestrian bridge in the Lujiazui financial district in Shanghai, China, on 14 July 2025. File Photo: Reuters

At the same time, the US-led sphere of influence appears to be facing pressure.

China has transformed itself from a manufacturing-driven economy into a technology-focused global power and established itself as an increasingly indispensable player in international affairs.

And this brings us back to Zeus.

A new Zeus?

In Greek mythology, Zeus was not powerful simply because he possessed thunder and lightning.

His power also came from his relationships with the other gods, his ability to build alliances and his capacity to use those relationships to consolidate his authority.

China's rise has followed a somewhat similar pattern.

Beijing has built influence through trade, investment, infrastructure, technology, diplomatic agreements and military cooperation.

Its direct presence on battlefields remains limited. But through its position in conflicts and crises, including the Iran war, China has demonstrated its diplomatic and strategic capabilities to the wider world.

Look at South Asia or Africa, and the pattern becomes clearer.

Countries across different regions are becoming increasingly connected to China's economy. Europe remains heavily dependent on Chinese trade, while China has emerged as a major lender and investor across parts of Africa and Asia.

If these countries are viewed as cells in a larger human body, China increasingly resembles the mitochondria, a source of energy that is difficult to separate from the system itself.

The comparison with Zeus, however, is not about suggesting that China already controls the world.

It is about the way Beijing is using economic power, strategic partnerships and growing military capabilities to expand its influence.

The post-World War II global system initially became bipolar, divided between the US and the Soviet Union. After the Soviet Union collapsed and the Berlin Wall fell, the world moved towards a unipolar system dominated by the US.

More than three decades later, that US-led order remains largely intact.

But China is now challenging it.

Whether this challenge will eventually produce a new global structure or whether Washington will preserve its dominant position for decades to come remains uncertain.

What is becoming increasingly visible, however, is the emergence of an alternative centre of power.

China is expanding its diplomatic reach through the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, the New Development Bank, the BRI and a growing network of bilateral and multilateral agreements.

It is reviving and expanding the old Silk Road not only through trade routes but also through infrastructure, investment and strategic partnerships.

Its military capabilities have also advanced significantly, as demonstrated by developments in the Iran conflict and the latest India-Pakistan confrontation.

China is increasingly seeking a larger share of the global arms market.

In this sense, Beijing is using both sides of the Zeus metaphor: the thunderbolt of power and the network of relationships.

By expanding its partnerships, China is trying to build not only influence but also global confidence in its role as a major player.

While the US has increasingly relied on tariffs, sanctions and military pressure to defend its interests, China has often sought to strengthen relationships through trade, investment and agreements.

The comparison may therefore be premature, but the historical analogy is striking.

In Greek mythology, Zeus overthrew Cronus and established a new order among the gods.

Today, a modern version of that struggle appears to be unfolding in global geopolitics.

As US sanctions and tariffs create barriers and divisions, China is building bridges through trade, investment, and diplomatic ties.

In the long race for global influence, the question is no longer whether China has become a major power.

It has.

The bigger question is whether China can eventually become the world's new 'Zeus' and whether the US will one day face the fate of Cronus.

History, as always, will have the final word.