From Mirpur to Gulistan, ‘mobocracy’ rears its ugly head again

Just as Prime Minister Tarique Rahman was committing his government, through a speech to the UN General Assembly, to protecting the rights of citizens irrespective of their political views or party affiliations, developments in Dhaka conspired to pull the rug from under his feet.

Two incidents, apparently unconnected but symptomatic of the intolerance and lawlessness that continue to scar the nation's body politic, challenged the government's commitment to the rule of law and its opposition to mob violence.

The incident at Mirpur in the early hours of Saturday should have sent shockwaves through the corridors of power. Even at the height of mob violence and orchestrated vandalism during the interim government's period, such a blatant attack aimed at completely demolishing a health facility would have been considered an aberration.

All reports indicate that the attack on the Radda centre, a mother and child and family planning facility that has stood and delivered essential services to the poor for over 50 years, was the result of a blatant land grab by a group associated with the local BNP.

Worse, locals have alleged to media reporters that members of the police were present at the scene during the attack, which was carried out by around 200 people, but did nothing to prevent the demolition and looting of the facility.

By all accounts, the demolition went on for quite some time, during which neither the police nor local people could put an end to the carnage.

That, in a nutshell, was how "mobocracy" came into being during the interim period. A demoralised and paralysed police force is often forced to play second fiddle to the mobsters, leaving ordinary citizens to look the other way for fear of retaliation.

BNP-police duet

The scene repeated itself a few hours later, though in a different context and in a different part of the city.

Before the shockwaves from the Radda MCH-FP attack had faded, news came through from the city centre that the offices of a political party had come under attack, first by a mob led by the BNP's youth leaders, followed by a police raid.

The police did not come to prevent the attack or arrest the mob.

Instead, they came to detain the several hundred leaders and workers of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) who had gathered at the party's office in Gulistan for their central delegates' conference. The police had been informed about the conference earlier, and permission had been granted for the use of microphones.

The BNP mob attacked the conference venue, alleging that it was a meeting of the Awami League, whose activities were banned by the interim government last year, with the ban subsequently passed into law by the BNP-dominated parliament in February.

The BNP mob's action was followed by the police, who detained and took away 289 of the participants. Videos showed some of the detainees being assaulted by BNP men, with the police doing little to prevent it.

Police later told the media that JSD leaders and workers would be released, while those not associated with the party would be "scrutinised and charged". It is not clear why anyone who was not a member of a political party would be committing an "offence" simply by attending the party's event.

Before the shockwaves from the Radda MCH-FP attack had faded, news came through from the city centre that the offices of a political party had come under attack, first by a mob led by the BNP's youth leaders, followed by a police raid. The police did not come to prevent the attack or arrest the mob. Instead, they came to detain the several hundred leaders and workers of the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) who had gathered at the party's office in Gulistan for their central delegates' conference.

Allegations of political targeting raise concerns

This blind pursuit of a political party branded as the "enemy" has led to the filing of hundreds of cases, many of them false, causing tens of thousands of people to leave their homes and hide for fear of arrest or worse.

The two events are also instructive of the country's current law and order situation.

On the one hand, a health facility for the poor can be attacked and illegally demolished by hundreds of men using large machinery without police intervention.

On the other hand, the police can rapidly arrive in force and take action against people who were essentially not committing any crime, simply because the ruling BNP alleged that they were members of the Awami League.

It seems it is more important for the police to chase alleged Awami Leaguers than to apprehend criminals who are actually engaged in criminal acts under their noses. The blame for this state of affairs, however, cannot lie at the door of the police themselves, who are woefully understaffed and still lacking in morale.

The use of the police's limited resources to pursue political goals often means that actual crime-fighting and the maintenance of social peace take a back seat. For the government, failure to put an end to mob violence and impunity would sow the seeds of public discontent.

Test for the PM

Immediately after the formation of the new government in February, Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed had boldly announced that mob violence would no longer be tolerated. Yet, what was witnessed in Mirpur was mob violence with impunity, while in Gulistan, mob action was even given police cover.

The JSD, like all political parties in the country, had every right to conduct its conference in peace and security. But the mob in Mirpur had no right to attack the Radda MCH-FP.

The police needed to take action to prevent the vandalism in Mirpur and detain the perpetrators; in Gulistan, they needed to uphold the JSD's constitutional rights by protecting the meeting from the BNP mob. Instead, the police did exactly the opposite.

There is no doubt that the Mirpur mob attack will be investigated and some sort of blame will be apportioned. The big question is whether the investigation will be able to get to the heart of the matter: the involvement of local BNP factions and the role of the police that night.

The government has little to gain from allowing its party factions to run amok and behave like extra-legal enforcement groups.

If mob violence during the interim era was illegal, then any mob action by the BNP or allied groups should be treated as such now.

The government could take this as an opportunity to drive home its commitment to end mob violence and uphold the rights of all political parties and people to engage in political activities. This was something promised to the world by the Prime Minister. That promise has now been put to the test. 

Sabir Mustafa is a journalist and podcaster. His email is sabir.mustafa@gmail.com, and his X handle is @Sabir59.